By: Hla Hpone “Jack” Myint
As Burma transitions to a democratic state, radical religious groups are beginning to integrate into the Hluttaw (Parliament) system. The nation is beginning to witness the proposal of discriminatory laws that aim to ban interfaith marriages and policies that seek to prohibit foreign investment from Islamic nations.
The Sangha (order of Theravada Buddhist monks and nuns) have always played a highly essential role in Burmese society – as spiritual guides, civil rights leaders and educators that serve to fill the vacuum of proper governance and leadership in Burma over the past decades, particularly in some of its rural regions. From the independence movement throughout Ne Win’s and Than Shwe’s authoritarian regimes, many monks have advocated for the democratic movement and issues that resonate with the voice of the people. As a result, they have suffered through the same level of oppression as that of student activists and members of the opposition.
Such sacrifice, in addition to the civic duties monks have voluntarily taken on over the years, have accumulated tremendous respect and created a saintly image towards monks among the majority Burmese population – which is nearly 90 percent Buddhists.
With time, however, this sentiment has become rather extreme, to a point where many citizens begin to develop a blind faith that allows for opinions of monk leaders to fully indoctrinate their belief systems and stop questioning the logic behind those beliefs. This has always been a deep-seated problem in Burmese society, but one that was always overshadowed by the realms of military dictatorship and was never quite evident to the international community until the Rakhine State riots of 2012.
Emergence of groups such as the Mabatha and the 969, before and during the riots, have paved the way for religious extremism and led to the persecution of religious minorities in the country. Monk leader U Wirathu of the 969 movement has preached allegations that the Muslim population is planning to establish an Islamic state in Myanmar and that citizens need to do whatever necessary, even resort to violence, in the defense of Buddhism, which he associates with their nationality. Such forms of hate speech has led to the mass persecution of the Rohingya, a group of minority Muslims in the Rakhine State, by the majority Buddhist mob, leaving 300 dead and nearly 200,000 displaced.
Still, such extremism has caused a counter-movement to emerge – the anti-hate speech campaign, which comprises a new wave of civil society leaders, women’s rights activists and some 88 generation leaders. These individuals came together to openly criticize and speak out against the Mabatha and the 969, an unprecedented move that broke away from the traditional norm of complying with all Sangha-led initiatives.
The old Burmese saying, “Respect the robe, if not the person”, which reminds people to never question or talk back to monks, does not necessarily stand any longer, particularly among the younger and more progressive population.
In the long run, this development may very well dilute the rather omnipotent role monks play in the social and political lives of citizens all across Burma.
Hla Hpone “Jack” Myint is an undergraduate researcher, studying Political Science and Conflict Resolution Studies at Washington & Jefferson College. He formerly worked as temp. consultant for the US-ASEAN Business Council, Washington, DC. Jack is a Prospect Burma (Aung San Suu Kyi Nobel Peace Prize Fund) Scholar and holds a fellowship at the Center for Energy Policy and Management, Washington, PA. For further inquiry, please contact myinthh@washjeff.edu
Photo: ©iStockphoto.com/lkunl
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